Zambia
Zambia's transition to a multiparty
democracy and market-based economy continues to progress slowly, but
positively. During the 1990s, the Government of the Republic of Zambia (GRZ)
implemented a sweeping program of liberalization and deregulation, eliminating
most major market distortions in an attempt to arrest and reverse the economic
decline. Unfortunately, these efforts have been impeded by the country's legacy
of corruption and limited foreign and domestic investment. Until recently, this
was accompanied by poor performance of the copper sector. As a result, per
capita income plummeted from $752 in 1965 to $351 in 2002.
Since
1999, the economy has been experiencing a modest recovery with positive per
capita GDP increases of 1.4% annually. Poverty reduction, however, remains a
challenge due to a heavy debt burden, weak institutional capacity, and
ineffective public spending. According to the GRZ's 2004 budget, the current
government's top three priorities are the fight against corruption; promotion
of economic growth, focusing in the areas of agriculture, tourism and small
scale mining; and combating HIV/AIDS. Over the past decade, Zambia's
performance has declined on the majority of the United Nations Development
Program's Millennium Challenge Goals. In 2000, an estimated 73% of the
population lived below the official poverty line, compared to 70% in the early
1990s. The impact of the HIV/AIDS pandemic further undermines steps to reduce
poverty. Zambia
ranked 163 out of 175 countries in the 2003 UNDP Human Development Index which
is the same as its 2002 rating. The agricultural sector continues to be central
to the Zambian economy, with more than 67% of the workforce in agriculture,
forestry and fisheries. Constraints in agriculture include high transportation
costs; weak market infrastructure; uneven production and inconsistent quality;
lack of access to market information, inputs, and credit; and cyclical drought.
A
heavy external debt burden slows Zambia's
development even further, with $6.45 billion in external debt as of December
2003. The debt is owed primarily to multilateral institutions and bilateral
creditors. Zambia
was approved for debt relief under the World Bank's enhanced Heavily Indebted
Poor Country Initiative (HIPC) in 2000. Under this initiative, the government
expects to successfully implement and monitor the International Monetary Fund's
Poverty Reduction Growth Facility (PRGF), helping it to reach the HIPC
completion point in early 2005. Should the government attain the completion
point, an estimated $3.8 billion of foreign debt, more than half the country's
foreign debt, would be cancelled, allowing resources to be channeled to
productive sectors.
The
GRZ continues to implement the Poverty Reduction Strategy Plan (PRSP 2002-2004)
and Transitional National Development Plan (TNDP 2003-2005), two comprehensive
economic and social plans written with the participation of donors and other
stakeholders. Implementation of the PRSP/TNDP programs has been slow due to GRZ
budgetary constraints. With the PRSP coming to an end in 2004 and the TNDP in
2005, the GRZ plans to develop a National Development Plan (NDP) which will
cover the period 2006-2010, linked to the GRZ Medium Term Expenditure Framework
(MTEF).
In
2004, following the Parliament's approval of the Decentralization Policy, the
GRZ took steps to decentralize its functions. One goal is to improve
communications between government institutions and Zambian citizens. Zambia
has many active non governmental organizations (NGOs) and civil society groups,
several independent newspapers and radio stations, two state-owned newspapers
and the government-owned Zambia National Broadcasting Corporation.
Zambia plays an important role in
international relations by contributing to greater stability and prosperity in
the southern Africa
region. As a country with significant natural resources, a market-based
economy, and a multi-party democracy, Zambia
can play a constructive role in regional conflict resolution efforts and
promote peace and stability in the region.
Bolivia
There have been democratically
elected governments in Bolivia
since 1982 following decades of political instability and military coups. Since
then, the military have played no significant part in Bolivian politics, but
political instability has continued to slow the country's development. As a
result, there has, over recent years, been a gradual rejection of traditional
political parties and a swing towards the left. This was highlighted in the
Municipal elections that took place on 5 December 2004. The results appeared to
confirm popular rejection of political parties in favor of new political
groups.
President Evo Morales (elected in
December 2005) faces a number of long-standing challenges. Some of these may be
addressed in the Constituent Assembly , which was elected on 2 July 2006 to
draw up a new Constitution. focussing on a more inclusive role for the
indigenous population.
Bolivia is one of the poorest and least
developed Latin American countries. About two thirds of the 9 million
population live in poverty, with one third in extreme poverty (less than $1 per
day). In a May 2005 survey two thirds of Bolivians said they would emigrate if
given the opportunity. Paradoxically, Bolivia
is rich in natural gas and minerals, and in agricultural potential. Bolivia
made progress towards the development of a market-oriented economy under
Sanchez de Lozada in the 1990s, but the economy faltered in 1999, in part due
to tight government budget control, fallout from the global economic slowdown
and low domestic activity.
The economy, while
beginning to recover from its recent five-year slump, still requires extensive
restructuring and considerable direct investment, for which there is little
capital domestically, and some painful policy reforms, for which there is scant
political will. Bolivia's
small domestic market is not large enough to develop significant, broad-based
economic and employment growth. The preponderance of employment in the
low-skill informal-sector and the lack of sufficient credit for small
businesses and microenterprises further limit the economy's growth potential.
Enterprises can grow through external markets, but to do so must significantly
increase their competitiveness. Bolivia
must seek broader and permanent opportunities to export and make further
commercial reforms. Bolivia's
agricultural sector, while limited by low productivity, uncertain land tenure,
and a poor road network, has demonstrated an ability to compete in niche
markets abroad. Much work still needs to be done, however, in increasing
productivity and product quality, and in developing marketing networks.
High levels of poverty and
a consistent pattern of social and political exclusion of the indigenous
majority persist. Almost 60% of the Bolivian population is poor, with
correspondingly low levels of education, health and nutrition. Infant mortality
stands at 67.5 per thousand live births, and 26% of children under three years
old are chronically malnourished. Diseases such as malaria, tuberculosis, leishmaniasis
(a parasitic disease transmitted by flys), and yellow and dengue fever are
widespread. Health services in rural areas are very sparse and poorly equipped
and staffed. The GOB's fiscal difficulties limit its ability to expand
services, making it imperative that private providers and nongovernmental
organizations take a much larger role in increasing the amount and quality of,
and access to, health services, particularly in rural areas.
Bolivia is extraordinarily rich in natural
resources, yet severe, widespread rural poverty creates stresses on the
environment as the poor exploit these resources in an unsustainable manner.
Water pollution and soil erosion and degradation are widespread and serious.
The GOB lacks the capacity to effectively manage these resources; therefore,
communities and the private sector must take on a larger and more responsible
role.
Illegal coca replanting for the
international narcotics trade is a constant challenge to Bolivia's
counter-narcotics strategy. According to U.S.
and United Nations figures, the trend towards increased coca cultivation that
began in 2001, primarily in the Yungas region, has continued in their most
recent surveys. Alternative development programs must address the coca issue
holistically, addressing problems caused by weak or absent state institutions
and the lack of basic public services, as well as the need for economically
viable alternatives for coca farmers.
The economy remain precarious.
Foreign Direct Investment continued to fall in 2004-2006, reflecting
uncertainty in the future legal framework for foreign investment. This is
exemplified by the gas nationalization process, which will have important
consequences for the development of the oil and gas sector, a vital element for
the future of the Bolivian economy. The situation was further complicated by
the announcement on 1 May 2006 by President Morales of the nationalization of
Bolivian hydrocarbons, which imposed a requirement for companies already
operating in the market to sign new contracts within 180 days. As a result of
nationalization, the Bolivian Government has signed new contracts with the main
hydrocarbon companies, effectively taking control of the country’s resources
and putting them in the hands of the parastatal YPFB. The hydrocarbon companies
have accepted these contracts, but there is a doubt over their future
investment plans. Bolivia
has also recently signed large new gas contracts with Argentina,
but there are questions about their capacity to deliver.
The government has published its new
economic plan, which envisages investment of some US$13 billion by the public
and private sectors over five years. The President has rejected a long-standing
offer from the USA
to negotiate a bilateral free trade agreement. Local businessmen are concerned
that this could have a serious impact on employment as many Bolivian exports to
the US now benefit from preferential treatment resulting from the Andean Trade
Promotion and Drug Eradication Act (ATPDEA), which is due to end in February
2008. The Bolivian government have asked the US Congress for a further
extension.
Although President Morales has made
it a priority to reduce dependence on external assistance, Bolivia
will remain highly dependent on foreign aid until it can introduce viable structural
changes and develop its substantial natural resources.
Yemen
Yemen, one of the poorest countries in
the Arab world, has reported strong growth since 2000, but its economic
fortunes depend mostly on oil. Yemen
has embarked on an IMF-supported structural adjustment program designed to
modernize and streamline the economy, which has led to substantial foreign debt
relief and restructuring. Yemen
has worked to maintain tight control over spending and to implement additional
components of the IMF program, but a high population growth rate (3.45%) and
internal political dissension complicate the government's task. National
development plans include a diversification of the economy, encouragement of
tourism, and more efficient use of scarce water resources.
Following
the unification of Marxist South Yemen and North Yemen
in 1990, the new Republic of Yemen Government (ROYG) made impressive progress
with the establishment of a constitutional government, a parliamentary system
with multiparty elections, and laws to strengthen non-governmental
organizations. The new Government began to decentralize resource allocation
decisions and local management of social services, and define development
goals. The ROYG demonstrated a strong commitment to stabilization and reform
through price and market liberalization, fiscal prudence, liberalization of
foreign exchange and trade, and striving to cut foreign debt and increase
foreign exchange reserves. Recently, economic reform has slowed, and Yemen's
internal stability is threatened by a combination of forces challenging the
Government's movement to increased democracy. These forces include extreme
poverty, Islamic extremism, internal and international terrorism, and the
alienation from the central Government by relatively independent tribal leaders
in remote areas.
Despite
progress made over the last decade, Yemen
remains one of the least developed countries in the world and ranks 148 out of
175 countries on the United Nations Development Programme's Human Development
Index (2003). It has a per capita gross domestic product of $460. Forty-two
percent of the people live in poverty (45% in rural areas) and one in five is
malnourished. Yemen's
18.5 million population, which is predominantly rural, faces enormous economic
and social challenges. Among the major problems are limited access to basic
services, a very high fertility rate (6.7%), high illiteracy rates especially
among females (73.5%), high unemployment (40%), significant gender inequality,
diminishing oil reserves, and a non-renewable water supply, which is dwindling
at an alarming rate.
Thus, poverty
reduction remains Yemen's
most compelling challenge. To make a significant impact on poverty reduction, Yemen
must increase its focus on rural communities, where 75% of the population
resides. The rugged terrain, which has already been a significant challenge for
agricultural development and service delivery, will present a challenge for
this task as well.
Nepal
In
1951, the Nepalese monarch ended the century-old system of rule by hereditary
premiers and instituted a cabinet system of government. Reforms in 1990
established a multiparty democracy within the framework of a constitutional
monarchy. A Maoist insurgency, launched in 1996, has gained traction and is
threatening to bring down the regime, especially after a negotiated cease-fire
between the Maoists and government forces broke down in August 2003. In 2001,
the crown prince massacred ten members of the royal family, including the king
and queen, and then took his own life. In October 2002, the new king dismissed
the prime minister and his cabinet for "incompetence" after they
dissolved the parliament and were subsequently unable to hold elections because
of the ongoing insurgency. While stopping short of reestablishing parliament,
the king in June 2004 reinstated the most recently elected prime minister who
formed a four-party coalition government, which the king subsequently tasked
with paving the way for elections to be held in spring of 2005. Citing
dissatisfaction with the government's lack of progress in addressing the Maoist
insurgency, the king in February 2005 dissolved the government and assumed
power.
Development
progress has been notable. A substantial road infrastructure has been created;
large decreases in child mortality and fertility rates have been achieved.
There are functioning ministries in such important sectors as education,
finance, and health; gains. Major gains have been made in agriculture,
forestry, and literacy eradication while increasing access to basic services.
The
most pressing problem facing the country today is a rebel insurgency and its
profound impact on Nepal's
political and economic development and overall security. The Maoist insurgency,
which began in 1996, found fertile ground largely in response to Nepal's
poor governance, poverty, and exclusion. The initial pro-people approach, which
won the Maoists converts among the disenfranchised, has mutated into a campaign
of violence, lawlessness, intimidation, and destruction. More than 10,000
people have been killed by the Maoists and security forces, with the bulk of
these deaths, almost 9,000, occurring since 2001. While the Maoists have
adopted terror as an instrument of policy, human rights abuses are committed by
both parties to the conflict. In addition to the human toll, the continuing
violence drains budget resources, restricts delivery of services and prospects
for socioeconomic development, and stifles economic growth. The conflict has
inflicted combined estimated costs to national property and the economy of over
$1.5 billion in the already-impoverished country.
On
the political front, there are new reasons for concern given the King's recent
dismissal of multi-party democracy, declaration of a state of emergency,
suspension of fundamental constitutional rights, and detention of politicians,
journalists, and human rights activists. This serious setback for Nepalese
democracy risks eroding even further the Nepalese Government's ability to
resist the Maoist insurgency.
On
the economic front, government measures to improve the business environment,
encourage investment, reduce avenues for corrupt practices, and improve the
service orientation of key government agencies are progressing. In addition, Nepal
joined the World Trade Organization in 2004.
Absolute
poverty declined from 42% to 30% between 1996 and 2002, attributable largely to
increased remittances from Nepalis living abroad. Nonetheless, Nepal
remains one of the poorest countries in the world, with an annual per capita
income of $276 and 38% of the population living below the national poverty
line. Life expectancy at birth has increased but at 59 years, is still lower
than its neighboring South Asian countries. The literacy rate is 54%
nationwide. Population growth has fragmented land holdings and depleted forest
resources, negatively affecting the livelihoods of the 80% of Nepalis that
depend on agriculture for their livelihood. Maternal mortality is amongst the
highest in the region. One of 11 children dies before they reach their fifth
birthday - the majority during their first year. Moreover, Nepal
is in the midst of a concentrated HIV epidemic. The World Health
Organization/UNAIDS estimate that 14 Nepalese adults become infected with HIV
in Nepal
every day.
Nepal serves as a geographic buffer
between the world's two most populous nations in a volatile region. Therefore,
the country can play a key role in promoting regional stability- and
diminishing the likelihood of a humanitarian crisis.
Morocco
Morocco has a per capita income of $1,200,
placing it in the lower tier of middle-income countries within the Near East. Its social indicators are among
the lowest in the region. Approximately 49% of adults aged 15 and above were
illiterate in 2002, placing Morocco at 20th among the
22 Arab League countries (surpassing only Mauritania and Yemen).
Women are particularly affected, with female illiteracy rate at 62 percent, and
significantly higher in rural areas.
Progress
made in the early nineties in poverty alleviation has been lost: approximately
20% of the total population remains under the absolute poverty line (about one
dollar per day), with two-thirds being located in rural areas (3.5 million, or
more than 10% of the population). Moreover, about 55% of the rural population
and 33% of the urban population were considered "economically
vulnerable" in 2003. The country's economy remains overly dependant on
rain, and adverse climatic conditions directly impact the level of rural
poverty. Economic growth is further constrained by government policies that
retard rapid modernization of the rural economy, diversification of cereal
production, and efficient use of scarce water resources. Urban poverty is a
direct consequence of unemployment, which is particularly high among youth (up
to 35.4% in 15-24 year olds in 2004 alone). Such a high unemployment among
youth contributes to insecurity and instability in urban areas.
In
2004, the government managed to maintain macro-economic stability, continue its
investment program and advance the implementation of its reform agenda. At
around 3.5% of the gross domestic product (GDP), the fiscal deficit will not
exceed affordable levels and inflation will be contained around 2%. With regard
to public investment and policy reform, achievements exceeded targets in many
sectors. For example, the number of students enrolled in vocational training
doubled as compared to the previous year. Social programs, including rural
electrification, potable water and rural roads met or exceeded targets. A new
family code -- Moudawana -- considered as one of the most progressive in the
Arab region, was promulgated. Free trade agreements were signed with the U.S.
and several countries in the region. The health coverage scheme began as
planned and the liberalization of several sectors (air transportation,
radio-TV, and telecommunications) met set deadlines.
The
above progress was achieved despite several adverse exogenous events. In
February, a violent earthquake hit the northern region of Al Hoceima. The
disaster killed more than 1,000 people and damaged basic infrastructure and
houses in an already poor, underserved region. Despite donor support, the
country continues to carry a significant financial burden, and the living
conditions in that region are still substandard. In February, locusts began to
invade the south of the country. The government mobilized substantial equipment
and resources to successfully stop the expansion of the swarms. Morocco also provided
significant support to its neighboring countries (Mauritania, Senegal, and Mali)
to contain the plague. Despite these efforts, locusts returned in large numbers
in the fall, with swarms reaching the north-eastern region and spreading from
the Canary Islands
to the Middle-East. The unprecedented increase in oil prices was a significant
shock that affected Morocco's
economy as well. Unlike most countries in the region, Morocco
imports almost 100% of its oil. The Government of Morocco's (GOM) policy to
preserve the purchasing power of the poor requires keeping energy prices at a
stable, affordable level. Thus, instead of raising the prices to keep up with
imported oil levels, the government automatically reduces the level of taxes,
which directly impacts its revenues and widens the fiscal deficit.
Morocco is a stable, democratizing, and
liberalizing Arab Muslim nation. It is also a constructive force in the pursuit
of Middle East
peace and in responding to other regional security challenges. The key
challenges for the country are creating jobs for a fast growing labor force and
addressing the gaps in meeting the basic needs of the population.
Mongolia
Mongolia won its independence from China
in 1921 with Soviet backing. A Communist regime was installed in 1924. During
the early 1990s, the ex-Communist Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP)
gradually yielded its monopoly on power to the Democratic Union Coalition
(DUC), which defeated the MPRP in a national election in 1996. Since then,
parliamentary elections returned the MPRP overwhelmingly to power in 2000 and
produced a coalition government in 2004.
Mongolia's harsh climate, small domestic
market, land-locked status, and lack of infrastructure present formidable
challenges. Yet the country provides an important example to others in East
Asia, Central Asia,
and elsewhere on how to manage an economic transition within a democratic
political framework.
Mongolia's transition to democracy is a
remarkable achievement with ramifications that go well beyond its frontiers.
Ten elections have been held over the past decade, three each at the local and
presidential levels and four at the parliamentary level. Governments have been
chosen through elections that reflect the will of the people, and the
transition from one government to the next has taken place in a largely
positive and cooperative atmosphere. The most recent Parliamentary elections,
held in June 2004, further demonstrated the country's progress toward
democracy. In that election, the Motherland Democracy Coalition (MDC), which
previously had held just four of the 76 seats in Parliament, won 34 seats
against the 36 captured by the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP),
the reformed Communists who had governed the country for all but four of the 14
years since the transition from socialism began in 1990. The MDC and MPRP now
share power in a de facto coalition, with the MDC holding the Premiership and
the MPRP the Speakership. Yet, important challenges remain. The judiciary and
civil society remain weak, corruption remains high, public access to the
decision-making process is limited or nonexistent, the Parliament has yet to
emerge as an effective overseer of the executive branch, and the participation
of women in the political process is strikingly low (women hold only five seats
in Parliament, for example, and none of the 21 regional governorships).
The
direction and pace of economic change also have been encouraging. Approximately
75% of the Mongolian economy is now in private hands, up from virtually nothing
at the beginning of the 1990s. Total annual gross domestic product (GDP) is
estimated at just over $1 billion and per capita income is estimated at around
$500 per year. Tourism, construction, and light industry offer significant
future potential, while international investor interest in mining increased
significantly over the past year.
After
several years of economic stagnation and decline, GDP growth rates reached 3.9%
in 2002 and 5.6% in 2003. This encouraging development suggests that Mongolia's
hard-won political stability is beginning to have an economic impact. A vibrant
"underground" economy and informal remittances from the estimated
70,000 Mongolians working overseas may make the actual per capita income figure
even higher, but the poverty rate remains high at 33%. The growing
international debt burden--now approximately $1 billion--is cause for concern,
as is the level of corruption. Similarly, while the new coalition government
has verbally expressed its commitment to continue the reform process and to
maintain macroeconomic discipline, it is not yet clear that it will be able to
do so in the face of significant political pressure on both parties to carry
out unaffordable campaign promises.
Mongolia plays a significant role in
contributing to stability in a potentially volatile part of the world. It is an
important example of democracy and respect for human rights.